For the scene that the western had not been specially violent, see Robert R. Dykstra, The Cattle Towns (ny, 1968).
For the characterization of this debate decades that are several, see Robert R. Dykstra, “Quantifying the crazy West: The Problematic Statistics of Frontier Violence, ” Western Historical Quarterly, 40 (Sept. 2009), 321–47. On western bloodshed, but utilizing the assertion that frontier mayhem was overstated, see Eugene Hollon, Frontier Violence: Another Look (ny, 1978). For the argument that the frontier had been violent, however in particular methods, see Roger D. McGrath, Gunfighters, Highwaymen, and Vigilantes: Violence regarding the Frontier (Berkeley, 1984), 247–60. On high homicide prices in counties in Nebraska, Colorado, and Arizona, see Clare V. McKanna, Homicide, Race, and Justice into the United states West, 1880–1920 (Tucson, 1997). For the interpretation regarding the reputation for homicide across United states areas that looks at wider habits and local particularity, see Randolph Roth, United states Homicide (Cambridge, Mass., 2009). Leonard, Lynching in Colorado; Carrigan, Making of a Lynching heritage; Gonzales-Day, Lynching within the western. On Kansas, see Brent M. S. Campney, “‘Light Is Bursting Upon the World! ’: White Supremacy and Racist Violence against Blacks in Reconstruction Kansas, ” Western Historical Quarterly, 41 (summer time 2010), 171–94); Brent M. S. Campney, “‘And This in Free Kansas’: Racist Violence, Ebony and White Resistance, Geographical Particularity, while the ‘Free State’ Narrative in Kansas, 1865 to 1914” (Ph.D. Diss., Emory University, 2007); and Christopher C. Lovett, “A Public Burning: Race, Sex, as well as the Lynching of Fred Alexander, ” Kansas History: A Journal regarding the Central Plains, 33 (summer time 2010), 94–115. On mob physical violence in fin-de-siecle southwest Missouri and northwest Arkansas, see Kimberly Harper, White Man’s paradise: The Lynching and Expulsion of Blacks in the Southern Ozarks, 1894–1909 (Fayetteville, 2010). For a 1942 lynching in Missouri’s bootheel, see Dominic J. Capeci, The Lynching of Cleo Wright (Lexington, Ky., 1998). For the full research study of mob physical physical physical violence in Indian Territory in 1898, see Daniel F. Littlefield Jr., Seminole Burning: an account of Racial Vengeance (Jackson, 1996). Zagrando, naacp Crusade against Lynching, 5. On lynching in northeast Texas, see Brandon Jett, “The Bloody Red River: Lynching and Racial Violence in Northeast Texas, 1890–1930” (M.A. Thesis, Texas State University at San Marcos, 2012). A Decent Orderly Lynching: The Montana Vigilantes (Norman, 2004) on vigilantism in Montana in the 1860s, see Frederick Allen. For comprehensive state and territory listings of western, midwestern, and lynchings that are northeastern see “Appendix: Lynchings into the Northeast, Midwest, and West, ” in Lynching beyond Dixie, ed. Pfeifer, 261–317. The Lost Region: Toward a Revival of Midwestern History (Iowa City, 2013) for a recent assessment of midwestern history, see Jon K. Lauck. Feimster, Southern Horrors. This Female a Woman? ’: Lynching, Gender, and Culture in the Nineteenth-Century U.S. West, ” in Lynching beyond Dixie, ed for an interpretation of women and children in western lynching, see Helen McLure, “‘Who Dares to Style. Pfeifer, 21–53.
On postbellum lynchings of whites in Alabama along with other states that are southern see John Howard Ratliff, www.camsloveaholics.com/rabbitscams-review/ “‘In Hot Blood’: White-on-White Lynching as well as the Privileges of Race when you look at the United states South, 1889–1910” (Ph.D. Diss., University of Alabama, 2007). Walter Howard, Extralegal Violence in Florida through the 1930s (Cranbury, 1995). Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky, 19–60; Carrigan, Making of a Lynching heritage, 112–31; Gilles Vandal, Rethinking Southern Violence: Homicides in Post–Civil War Louisiana, 1866–1884 (Columbus, 2000), 90–109; Baker, This Mob Will Undoubtedly simply Take my entire life; Bruce E. Baker, exactly exactly What Reconstruction Meant: historic Memory into the US Southern (Charlottesville, 2007), 84–87; Williams, They Left Great markings on me personally; Thompson, Lynchings in Mississippi, 4–16; Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 81–87. For the current interpretation of racial physical physical violence into the Reconstruction South, see Carole Emberton, Beyond Redemption: Race, Violence, as well as the United states South after the Civil War (Chicago, 2013). Pfeifer, Roots of Rough Justice, 32–46. For information documenting 56 mob executions of servant and free americans that are african the antebellum Southern, see “Lynchings of African Us americans within the Southern, 1824–1862, ” ibid., 93–99. For the treatment that is synthetic of in US history which includes conversation of this colonial and antebellum eras and slavery, see Manfred Berg, Popular Justice: a brief history of Lynching in the us (Lanham, 2011).
Nationwide Association for the development of Colored People, Thirty several years of Lynching in the usa. On methodological difficulties with lynching data, specially when it comes to areas outside of the Southern, as well as on approaches for compiling an inventory that is national see Lisa D. Cook, “Converging up to a national Lynching Database: current Developments, ” Historical Methods, 45 (April–June 2012), 55–63. On methodological dilemmas active in the quantification of lynching, see Michael Ayers Trotti, “What Counts: Trends in Racial Violence when you look at the Postbellum Southern, ” Journal of American History, 100 (Sept. 2013), 375–400. I actually do not share Michael Ayers Trotti’s view that methodological challenges, significant since they are, may outweigh the many benefits of counting US lynchings.
On British and Irish influences on United states lynching and analysis of U.S. Mob physical violence in a context that is global see Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 7–11, 67–81, 88–91. From the community that is norwegian collective murder of a Norwegian farmer accused of mistreating their family members in Trempeleau County, Wisconsin, in 1889, see Jane M. Pederson, “Gender, Justice, and a Wisconsin Lynching, 1889–1890, ” Agricultural History, 67 (Spring 1993), 65–82. For the argument that involvement in lynching physical physical violence against African Us citizens had been a way for Irish, Czechs, and Italians in Brazos County, Texas, to say “whiteness, ” see Cynthia Skove Nevels, Lynching to Belong: Claiming Whiteness through Racial Violence (College facility, 2007). On lynching as well as other types of collective violence in structural terms across international countries, see Roberta Senechal de la Roche, “Collective physical physical Violence as Social Control, ” Sociological Forum, 11 (March 1996), 97–128. Manfred Berg and Simon Wendt, eds., Globalizing Lynching History: Vigilantism and Extralegal Punishment from a global Perspective (ny, 2011); Carrigan and Waldrep, eds., Swift to Wrath.
When it comes to argument that U.S. Lynching within the long century that is nineteenth respected lynching violence in modern Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa as a significant episode in contested state formation, see Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 88–91. It is not to deny or elide key structural variations in the contexts for mob physical physical physical violence among these particular countries. For contrasting interpretations of present Latin linchamientos that are american see Angelina Snodgrass Godoy, “When ‘Justice’ Is Criminal: Lynchings in modern Latin America, ” Theory and community, 33 (Dec. 2004), 621–51; and Christopher Krupa, “Histories in Red: methods for Seeing Lynching in Ecuador, ” American Ethnologist, 36 (Feb. 2009), 20–39. For a study of nonstate violence in current years throughout the diverse areas of sub-Saharan Africa, see Bruce E. Baker, using the legislation into Their Hands that is own Law Enforcers in Africa (Aldershot, 2002).
I will be grateful to Edward T. Linenthal, Hasan Kwame Jeffries, Bruce E. Baker, and an anonymous reviewer for their responses on a youthful version of this essay.